When the New York City Council voted to repeal term limits and allow white minority rule to continue in New York City for another four years, the Black politicians, who had opposed this amendment, should have consulted the Black community rather than sua sponte retain Randy M. Mastro and Norman Siegel to represent the Black community .Our very existence is at stake. The extension of term limits can be an obstacle to gentrification. New York City is enjoying an economic boom. The federal bailout money is being used to promote apartheid. Black homeowners have been saddled down with unconscionable mortgages.
Blacks are being asked to finance their oppression. It started with sub-prime lending, which robbed the poor and rewarded the rich. Wall Street became more attractive than Atlantic City and Las Vegas. Once these high rollers had blown their bounties, they went to D.C. with cups in hands, citing the 23rd Psalm. Congress made sure their cups would runneth over.
To make matters worse, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson was given the unbridled and unreviewable authority to use public funds to financeprivate interests. This is an unconstitutional delegation of authority, and it emulates, if not exceeds, the constitutional vagueness of the Patriot Act. “The Constitution is not a suicide pact,” according to Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson. In the meantime, President-elect Barack Hussein Obama is being constitutionally hog tied for the next 45 days while Bush 43 is steering the Titanic into an iceberg. If the ship wrecks on January 20 and before Obama’s swearing-in ceremony, Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice may become the president.
The Hon. Elijah Muhammad would often say that Blacks must “do for self.” I take it a step further. We must start thinking for self. For example, Obama’s economic dream team is not suited to save Blacks economically. This economic dream team lacks the training and experience to address the intractable, economic plight of Blacks. Blacks in New York are facing economic and political extinction, and we have turned to two white lawyers to save us. Charles Hamilton Houston and Louis Clayton Jones must be turning over in their graves. They were shining legal knights who were rooted in Black pride and legal self-sufficiency.
Their roots go back to Robert Morris, Sr.; Scipio Africanus Jones; Noah W. Parden; and Styles L. Hutchins. Morris was the nation’s first civil rights lawyer. Jones succeeded in Dempsey v. Moore, and Parden and Hutchins forced the Supreme Court to try its only case in history. Houston was a race man who moved easily in the white world. Amherst awarded him a Phi Beta Kappa key. Justice Louis Brandeis said that Houston was his best student at Harvard Law School. He established Howard University Law School as the premier venue to train Black lawyers and he mentored Thurgood Marshall. Houston would head the legal arm of the NAACP in 1934. Clarence Darrow would sit at his feet. Four Supreme Court justices of the Supreme Court attended his funeral in 1950. This was unprecedented. Blacks would lose Houston and Drs. Charles R. Drew and Carter G. Woodson in April Jones was also a race man and he also moved easily in white circles. After receiving a Phi Beta Kappa key at Howard University, he won a Fulbright scholarship and attended the most prestigious university in France. Afterward,he was graduated from Yale University Law School. His legal work in New York was not only revolutionary, but also legendary.
Both Houston and Jones firmly believed that Black lawyers must be in the vanguard of the Black struggle. Houston would often say that any Black lawyer who is not a “social engineer” is a “social parasite.” Black lawyers must be architects. Against this backdrop, Black politicians would have never retained white lawyers to represent Black interests in the 1930s.These lawyers are neither a Charles Sumner nor a William Kunstler. They certainly fall short of being a John Brown. Mastro and Siegel have fashioned the weakest legal argument to advance in federal court. They claim civil rights deprivations under 42 U.S.C. 1983. This is a minor legal question. It is not the legal question. Article 1, Section 9, Clause 8 of the U.S. Constitution prohibits state titles of nobility to thwart the republican character of American government. This country was a timocracy. Nonetheless, the “Founding Fathers,” some of whom were passing, outlawed the creation of a House of Lords on U.S. soil. The House of Lords was an assembly of peerages who could veto the actions of elected officials in the House of Commons. By overturning the will of the people in 1933 and 1996, the New York City Council has the attributes of a House of Lords. It has granted to its members titles of nobility. Bloomberg is an aristocrat and he has no deference for the will of the common people. Rudolph Giuliani is at the center of this civil rights litigation. Attorney General Michael Mukasey must review the action of the City Council for any violation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, since Bush 43 is a lame-duck president. Mukasey and Giuliani are best friends. Mastro has worked under Giuliani spanning more than 20 years. Mastro was an assistant U.S. attorney under Giuliani and he was also his deputy mayor. It is hard for me to believe that Giuliani is against white minority rule. Philosophically, Mastro appears to be Giuliani’s twin brother.
The more things change, the more they remain the same. Twenty-five years ago, Mayor Ed Koch sought to appoint Robert Wagner as schools chancellor. Jack Newfield, the late columnist for the Village Voice, stepped forward to initiate litigation on behalf of the Black community as its lead plaintiff. Jones blew a gasket. Black politicians supported Newfield. Instead, I initiated litigation on behalf of the Black community. Reportedly, the National Urban League had retained C. Vernon Mason. Dr. William A. Jones was the successful lead plaintiff. Wagner was stopped in his tracks. Legal and political representation are real issues in the Black community. It is well settled that the Democratic Party must represent the Black community politically. This is plantation politics, and Blacks are its pawns. There is no quid pro quo. Black politicians are bent on ensuring that our legal representation must be lilly white. I was a thorn in their sides until May 21, 1990. They, in toto, are now fighting my reinstatement to practice law, while Black voters are still endorsing and financing their own oppression.
Dec. 6–Alton Maddox and Dr. Leonard Jeffries will conduct two full days of an “Advanced Seminar on Critical Thinking and Systems Analysis” at City College in the NAC Building, 141st Street and Convent Avenue in Harlem. For admission information, call (718) 834-9034. December 10–UAM weekly forum at the Elks Plaza, 1068 Harriet Tubman Avenue (Fulton Street) near Classon Avenue in Brooklyn at 7:30 p.m. Dr. Leonard Jeffries is the keynote speaker. There will be a benefit for him and Professor Roslyn Jeffries’ 44th wedding anniversary. Admission is free. Take the “C” train to Franklin Avenue. See: www.reinstatealtonmaddox.net.