My reinstatement to the practice of law in New York since Gov. David Paterson headed the executive branch of government seems to be of great concern to persons who I meet in the street. To be sure, the governor of New York has broad, ameliorative powers under a checks and balance system. He also enjoys the powers of succession. Yes he can!

I landed in New York in 1973 and stepped into a political and legal hornet’s nest. After I had created a controversy at the University of Georgia Law School, I was looking for a refuge from white supremacy. In 1973, I was unaware that New York City had been a member of the Confederate States of America and that “Dixie” still ruled New York.

Blacks were still debating whether they should be operating within the system or outside the system. Nobody knew the nature of the system or that systems were necessary for the maintenance of white supremacy and monopoly capitalism. Blacks are still resolving these riddles.

Cong. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. exited Congress in June 1970. A new political system would prevent another Powell from ever securing political office again. No church would be able to outduel the Democratic Party. Also, the state’s election laws, which select Black candidates, had to be tightened. White lawyers were calling the shots on all matters affecting Blacks. If a Black lawyer was available, he or she was a legal valet. This was the complaint raised in Freedom’s Journal. Whites were pleading our causes. It still exists 182 years later. I am a student of Charles Hamilton Houston. Thus, this practice is offensive. Unfortunately, most Blacks have never heard of the best lawyer in American jurisprudence. Hamilton believed that only Black lawyers could address legal problems of

Blacks.

By December 1987, I had already acquired the reputation of giving legal guidance to the Black community. The New York Post started writing editorials demanding my disbarment for fear that other Black lawyers would attempt to emulate me. For whites, this meant that my thinking was African-centered. In February 1988, State Sen. David Paterson was a member of the minority party in his legislative body. He represented my senatorial district, and I had initially supported him and had repeatedly voted for him as the lesser of two evils. I share the Hon. Elijah Muhammad’s view on Black politicians. Gov. Mario Cuomo invited me to Albany to discuss Tawana Brawley. I accepted on my terms. The Black political establishment went ballistic. They felt betrayed. They said political subjects should not be allowed to meet with the governor. This is a prerogative of Black selected officials.

To understand Paterson, you must connect the dots. Former Mayor David N. Dinkins and former New York Secretary of State Basil Paterson are not only close allies but also the allies of State Attorney General Robert Abrams, who was Dinkins’ roommate in Albany.

Abrams was former Gov. Eliot Spitzer’s political mentor, and Spitzer selected Paterson as his lieutenant governor. I was an outspoken critic of both Abrams and Spitzer while Paterson was serving as a member of their inner circle. His loyalty to them led to his selection as lieutenant governor.

There are additional facts. The late Assemblyman Neil Kelleher urged other members of the New York Legislature to file a disciplinary complaint against me for my representation of Tawana Brawley. This abuse of legislative power was unconstitutional and unprecedented.

Abrams would use this state-sponsored complaint and a fabricated grand jury report to get the Brooklyn Grievance Committee to discipline me for refusing to violate the attorney-client privilege and for failing to surrender the work-product privilege. Kelleher and Paterson were social and professional friends when Kelleher was plotting against me. Paterson never lifted a finger to protect me nor my clients, Tawana Brawley and Rev. Al Sharpton. It was of no moment to Paterson that if I had succumbed to Abrams, Sharpton would still be behind bars in 2009.Today, Paterson and Sharpton are cut buddies.

Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand represented a part of Dutchess County in the 20th Congressional District in the House of Representatives until last month. Assemblyman James Tedisco, minority leader in the New York Assembly, has announced his intention to replace Gillibrand in the 20th Congressional District. If successful, Tedisco will spell bad news for Obama.

Tedisco cosigned Kelleher’s disciplinary complaint against me. This could be a two-for-one loss for Obama in Congress. Herb Boyd, of the New York Amsterdam News, correctly raised this concern during Gillibrand’s appearance at the National Action Network.

Since the Brawley case is more than 21 years old, the Creator must have a master plan, and it must include exposing the truth. At this stage of my life, I am only asking Paterson to release, in toto, all unredacted Brawley files to the public. This is also the law.

On the other hand, Paterson is bent on maintaining a cover-up to protect former governors, members of the U.S. Senate and a former mayor. He is fully aware of the Brawley case,and he is cognizant of the role of federal and state governments in preventing me from earning a living.

The U.S. Second Circuit Court of Appeals was recently concerned about me getting my hands on the Brawley investigatory files through liberal discovery under the federal rules of civil procedure. Thus, the civil rights case had to be dismissed. Dr. Martin L. King Jr.’s assassination files will not be released until 2029 to protect the guilty. President Barack Hussein Obama has called for transparency in government. New York claims that evidence of a “hoax” constitutes classified information and is not subject to disclosure to the public. This is hogwash.

In Brawley, there is an unsolved murder involving politically connected assassins. Murder has no statute of limitations. A petit jury in Dutchess County found in my favor, even though the late Justice S. Barrett Hickman was sitting on the files throughout the trial, seized in violation of the state’s liberal discovery rules.

In other words, I had to defend myself in Dutchess County Supreme Court while hogtied. The jury still ruled in my favor. Rev.Al Sharpton and C. Vernon Mason were not so lucky. The jury found against them, and their lips must remain sealed forever unless Paterson corrects this injustice.

Once the files are revealed to the public, either New York or Steven Pagones must return more than a half-million dollars that New York extorted from the Brawley defendants, in addition to monies seized because of the breach of an escrow agreement by the late Justice S. Barrett Hickman. A motion, under CPLR Section 5015, will release the funds. Most of this money will have to be returned to members of the Black community. Paterson is standing between them and their money. The civil liberties of Abrams and Spitzer are more important than the financial plight of Blacks.

I need your letters of support for a petition for writ of certiorari in Maddox v. Prudenti et al to be filed in the U.S. Supreme Court on the questions of two-tone justice in the United States and denial of free speech and a free press for Blacks. Send letters of support to Alton Maddox, 16 Court Street, Ste.1901, Brooklyn,N.Y.11241.

Feb. 11–Rally to expose cover-up in the Central Park jogger case at 7:30 p.m. at the Elks Plaza, 1068 Harriet Tubman (Fulton Street) near Classon Avenue in Brooklyn. Take the C train to Franklin Avenue. Three blocks to Elks Plaza. Feb. 15–CEMOTAP presents the Great Harlem Debate 3 at Salem United Methodist Church,211 West 127th Street in Harlem at 3 p.m. “Should the State Return Alton Maddox’s Law License?” This is a fundraiser for Family and Friends of Mxatula Shakur. See: www.reinstatealtonmaddox.net for “Central Park Jogger Case in Intensive Care,” “Solving the Riddle of Freedom and Emancipation” and “Immigration and Terrorism in Early New York.”